英語演講稿

時間：2021-01-06 09:30:42 英語演講稿我要投稿

【薦】英語演講稿10篇

英語演講稿1

　　many things in this world find neither an answer nor a proper explanation. for example, why should two become a couple among the billions of people on earth? why dont they love each other even though they live together everyday, and yet one of them falls in love with someone else at the first sight? why do the members of a family quarrel daily but still stay unhappily together? why cant they get married in spite of the fact that they are a perfect match to each other? why should one toil so much for the other? why should the love-infatuated always be deserted by the heartless?.....

【薦】英語演講稿10篇

　　people remain puzzled in spite of their great effort to understand the endless questions, so they invented the all-embracing word---“predestination”. in order to be more precise, different combinations were derived from it: love predestination, sinful predestination, evil predestination, and kind predestination etc., hence we have the sayings like: “predestination will definitely bring you together despite the great distance while without predestination, youll never know each other even though you are standing fact to face” “a distant couple is tied up with the thread of predestination” and even the phrases and expressions like “the god of marriage”, “predestination without luck”, “luck without predestination”, “coming across each other is a kind of predestination”, “enemies are bound to meet on a narrow road”, “they shall not marry each other unless they are predestined lovers”. if people still can not find answers, they turn to “reincarnation” for help. lin daiyu is always in tears just for repaying for the water jia baoyu had given her when she was a plant in her previous life in a dream of the red mansions .

　　in fact, the so-called “predestination” is often a kind of coincidence or chance encounter, even a kind of accident. if you dont meet this person, youll surely meet some one else. but people insist on adding ssome colors of emotions or superstition, thus generating various religious factions, the main theories of which are no more than that of “reincarnation”, “heaven and hell” and “the ever-lasting soul” etc.

　　but does anyone know anything about his previous life or his after life? what could he do even if he knew them? if he cant grasp the present life, whats the benefit of commenting on the visionary after life? giving up today is the same as giving up tomorrow, for they are closely connected. how absurd it is to work like the horse or cattle in the present life in order to be above others in the next life.

　　have you ever seen emperor qinshihuang reincarnate? have you ever heard of emperor wudi of the han dynasty going into another life? where is now monk xuanzang of the tang dynasty (what we know is the big wild goose pagoda)? where is the monkey king (the flower and fruit mountain does exist, though)? and where can we find those great emperors such as yao , shun yu and the influential philosophers like confucius, laozi and zhuangzi?

　　how many heavens do we find? are they also divided into the oriental and the occidental world? is god a chinese or westerner? which is the greatest religion among buddhism, daoism, christianity, catholicity and islamism? all religions advocate doing good deeds and not killing, but why do they keep contending against each other, even fighting and killing among themselves? is the paradise the same one in all religions? theres only one sun in the sky, and there should be only one emperor in a country, but do all religions believe in the same god, or do they have different gods of their own? if all of us expected gods help, wouldnt god be too busy and too tired?

　　does god respect science? if not, why does he allow computers and telecommunications to run rampant? if it is god who created human beings, then doesnt he feel out of control of what the human being are doing now (the nuclear weapons and bio-chemical weapons, etc.)?

　　we human beings have an origin, and is it the same with god? does god get married? is god hereditary, or is it the same ever-lasting one?

　　we have all those questions but who can answer them?.

　　predestination needs us to strive for; friendship needs us to maintain; good will needs us to treasure and future needs us to create. there is no savior, nor goddess of mercy who once saved people in the past but cannot do anything to help the people at the present. the world is developing too fast.

　　people have to work together and associate with each other. talking about predestination, its just a kind of explanation about what has happened, and im afraid nobody can predict it before hand. from ancient times till the 1980 s, once getting married, the couple had to stick to each other for their whole life. can we say it is because of their life-long predestination? it is just because of the marriage system. in the western countries, life-long marriage is rare. can we say it is because their predestination makes it so? it is actually the result of human nature. the color of love could be attached to predestination, but not the color of superstition.

英語演講稿2

　　ulie was saying her bedtime prayers. "please god," she said, "make naples the capital of italy. make naples the capital of italy."

　　her mother interrupted and said. "julie, why do you want god to make naples the capital of italy?"

　　and julie replied, "because that's what i put in my geography exam!"

　　朱莉葉在做睡前禱告�！吧系�，求求你，”她說，“讓那不勒斯成為意大利的首都吧。”

　　媽媽打斷她的話說：“朱莉葉，為什么求上帝讓那不勒斯成為意大利的首都呢?”

　　朱莉葉回答道：“因為我在地理考卷上是這樣寫的�！�

英語演講稿3

　　Good Evening, my fellow Americans.

　　Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.

　　I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy. The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.

　　Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you listening to me.

　　How and why did America get involved in Vietnam in the first place?

　　How has this administration changed the policy of the previous Administration?

　　What has really happened in the negotiations in Paris and the battlefront in Vietnam?

　　What choices do we have if we are to end the war?

　　What are the prospects for peace?

　　Now let me begin by describing the situation I found when I was inaugurated on Jan. 20th: The war had been going on for four years. Thirty-one thousand Americans had been killed in action. The training program for the South Vietnamese was behind schedule. Five hundred forty-thousand Americans were in Vietnam with no plans to reduce the number. No progress had been made at the negotiations in Paris and the United States had not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.

　　The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friend, as well as our enemies, abroad.

　　In view of these circumstances, there were some who urged withdrawal of all American forces. From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow. After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in office. I could blame the defeat, which would be the result of my action, on him -- and come out as the peacemaker. Some put it to me quite bluntly: this was the only way to avoid allowing Johnson’s war to become Nixon’s war.

　　But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my Administration, and of the next election. I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next generation, and on the future of peace and freedom in America, and in the world.

　　Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace. The question at issue is not whether Johnson’s war becomes Nixon’s war. The great question is: How can we win America’s peace?

　　Well, let us turn now to the fundamental issue: why and how did the United States become involved in Vietnam in the first place? Fifteen years ago North Vietnam, with the logistical support of Communist China and the Soviet union , launched a campaign to impose a Communist government on South Vietnam by instigating and supporting a revolution.

　　In response to the request of the Government of South Vietnam, President Eisenhower sent economic aid and military equipment to assist the people of South Vietnam in their efforts of prevent a Communist takeover. Seven years ago, President Kennedy sent 16,000 military personnel to Vietnam as combat advisers. Four years ago, President Johnson sent American combat forces to South Vietnam.

　　Now many believe that President Johnson’s decision to send American combat forces to South Vietnam was wrong. And many others, I among them, have been strongly critical of the way the war has been conducted.

　　But the question facing us today is -- now that we are in the war, what is the best way to end it?

　　In January I could only conclude that the precipitate withdrawal of all American forces from Vietnam would be a disaster not only for South Vietnam but for the United States and for the cause of peace.

　　For the South Vietnamese, our precipitate withdrawal would inevitably allow the Communists to repeat the massacres which followed their takeover in the North 15 years before. They then murdered more than 50,000 people and hundreds of thousands more died in slave labor camps.

　　We saw a prelude of what would happen in South Vietnam when the Communists entered the city of Hue last year. During their brief rule there, there was a bloody reign of terror in which 3,000 civilians were clubbed, shot to death, and buried in mass graves.

　　With the sudden collapse of our support, these atrocities at Hue would become the nightmare of the entire nation and particularly for the million-and-a half Catholic refugees who fled to South Vietnam when the Communists took over in the North.

　　For the United States this first defeat in our nation’s history would result in a collapse of confidence in American leadership not only in Asia but throughout the world.

　　Three American Presidents have recognized the great stakes involved in Vietnam and understood what had to be done.

　　In 1963 President Kennedy with his characteristic eloquence and clarity said we want to see a stable Government there, carrying on the struggle to maintain its national independence.

　　We believe strongly in that. We are not going to withdraw from that effort. In my opinion, for us to withdraw from that effort would mean a collapse not only of South Vietnam but Southeast Asia. So we’re going to stay there.

　　President Eisenhower and President Johnson expressed the same conclusion during their terms of office.

　　For the future of peace, precipitate withdrawal would be a disaster of immense magnitude. A nation cannot remain great if it betrays its allies and lets down its friends. Our defeat and humiliation in South Vietnam without question would promote recklessness in the councils of those great powers who have not yet abandoned their goals of world conquest. This would spark violence wherever our commitments help maintain the peace -- in the Middle East, in Berlin, eventually even in the Western Hemisphere. Ultimately, this would cost more lives. It would not bring peace. It would bring more war.

　　For these reasons I rejected the recommendation I should end the war by immediately withdrawing all of our forces. I chose instead to change American policy on both the negotiating front and the battle front in order to end the war on many fronts. I initiated a pursuit for peace on many fronts. In a television speech on May 14, in a speech before the United Nations, on a number of other occasions, I set forth our peace proposals in great detail.

　　We have offered the complete withdrawal of all outside forces within one year. We have proposed to cease fire under international supervision. We have offered free elections under international supervision with the Communists participating in the organization and conduct of the elections as an organized political force.

　　And the Saigon government has pledged to accept the result of the election.

　　We have not put forth our proposals on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. We have indicated that we’re willing to discuss the proposals that have been put forth by the other side. We have declared that anything is negotiable, except the right of the people of South Vietnam to determine their own future.

　　At the Paris peace conference Ambassador Lodge has demonstrated our flexibility and good faith in 40 public meetings. Hanoi has refused even to discuss our proposals. They demand our unconditional acceptance of their terms which are that we withdraw all American forces immediately and unconditionally and that we overthrow the government of South Vietnam as we leave.

　　We have not limited our peace initiatives to public forums and public statements. I recognized in January that a long and bitter war like this usually cannot be settled in a public forum.

　　That is why in addition to the public statements and negotiations, I have explored every possible private avenue that might lead to a settlement.

　　Tonight, I am taking the unprecedented step of disclosing to you some of our other initiatives for peace, initiatives we undertook privately and secretly because we thought we thereby might open a door which publicly would be closed.

　　I did not wait for my inauguration to begin my quest for peace. Soon after my election, through an individual who was directly in contact on a personal basis with the leaders of North Vietnam, I made two private offers for a rapid, comprehensive settlement.

　　Hanoi’s replies called in effect for our surrender before negotiations. Since the Soviet union furnishes most of the military equipment for North Vietnam, Secretary of Stare Rogers, my assistant for national security affairs, Dr. Kissinger; Ambassador Lodge and I personally have met on a number of occasions with representatives of the Soviet Government to enlist their assistance in getting meaningful negotiations started.

　　In addition, we have had extended discussions directed toward that same end with representatives of other governments which have diplomatic relations with North Vietnam.

　　None of these initiatives have to date produced results. In mid-July I became convinced that it was necessary to make a major move to break the deadlock in the Paris talks.

　　I spoke directly in this office, where I’m now sitting, with an individual who had known Ho Chi Minh on a personal basis for 25 years. Through him I sent a letter to Ho Chi Minh.

　　I did this outside the usual diplomatic channels with the hope that with the necessity of making statements for propaganda removed, there might be constructive progress toward bringing the war to an end.

　　“Dear Mr. President:

　　“I realize that it is difficult to communicate meaningfully across the gulf of four years of war. But precisely because of this gulf I wanted to take this opportunity to reaffirm in all solemnity my desire to work for a just peace. I deeply believe that the war in Vietnam has gone on too long and delay in bringing it to an end can benefit no one, least of all the people of Vietnam. The time has come to move forward at the conference table toward an early resolution of this tragic war. You will find us forthcoming and open-minded in a common effort to bring the blessings of peace to the brave people of Vietnam. Let history record that at this critical juncture both sides turned their face towards peace rather than toward conflict and war."

　　I received Ho Chi Minh’s reply on Aug. 30, three days before his death. It simply reiterated the public position North Vietnam had taken at Paris and flatly rejected my initiative. The full text of both letters is being released to the press.

　　In addition to the public meetings that I’ve referred to, Ambassador Lodge has met with Vietnam’s chief negotiator in Paris in 11 private sessions.

　　And we have taken other significant initiatives which must remain secret to keep open some channels of communications which may still prove to be productive.

　　But the effect of all the public, private and secret negotiations which have been undertaken since the bombing halt a year ago, and since this Administration came into office on Jan. 20, can be summed up in one sentence: No progress whatever has been made except agreement on the shape of the bargaining table.

　　Well, now, who’s at fault? It’s becoming clear that the obstacle in negotiating an end to the war is not the President of the United States. It is not the South Vietnamese Government. The obstacle is the other side’s absolute refusal to show the least willingness to join us in seeking a just peace.

　　And it will not do so while it is convinced that all it has to do is to wait for our next concession, and our next concession after that one, until it gets everything it wants.

　　There can now be no longer any question that progress in negotiation depends only on Hanoi ’s deciding to negotiate -- to negotiate seriously.

　　I realize that this report on our efforts on the diplomatic front is discouraging to the American people, but the American people are entitled to know the truth -- the bad news as well as the good news -- where the lives of our young men are involved.

　　Now let me turn, however, to a more encouraging report on another front. At the time we launched our search for peace, I recognized we might not succeed in bringing an end to the war through negotiations. I therefore put into effect another plan to bring peace -- a plan which will bring the war to an end regardless of what happens on the negotiating front.

　　It is in line with the major shift in U. S. foreign policy which I described in my press conference at Guam on July 25.

　　Let me briefly explain what has been described as the Nixon Doctrine -- a policy which not only will help end the war in Vietnam but which is an essential element of our program to prevent future Vietnams.

　　We Americans are a do-it-yourself people -- we’re an impatient people. Instead of teaching someone else to do a job, we like to do it ourselves. And this trait has been carried over into our foreign policy.

　　In Korea, and again in Vietnam, the United States furnished most of the money, most of the armament and most of the men to help the people of those countries defend their freedom against Communist aggressions.

　　Before any American troops were committed to Vietnam, a leader of another Asian country expressed this opinion to me when I was traveling in Asia as a private citizen.

　　He said: “When you are trying to assist another nation defend its freedom, United States policy should be to help them fight the war, but not to fight the war for them.”

　　Well in accordance with this wise counsel, I laid down in Guam three principles of guidelines for future American policy toward Asia .

　　First, the United States will deep all of its treaty commitments.

　　Second, we shall provide a shield if a nuclear power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us, or of a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security.

　　Third, in cases involving other types of aggression we shall furnish military and economic assistance when requested in accordance with our treaty commitments. But we shall look to the nation directly threatened to assume the primary responsibility of providing the manpower for its defense.

　　I pledge to you tonight that I shall meet this responsibility with all of the strength and wisdom I can command, in accordance with your hopes, mindful of your concerns, sustained by your prayers.

　　Thank you.

　　小知識提示：好的演講稿，應該既有熱情的鼓動，又有冷靜的`分析，要把抒情和說理有機地結合起來，做到動之以情，曉之以理。

英語演講稿4

　　hello everyone.today i'm glad to be here to give a speech about my fresh experience in china agriculture university.

　　first i must say the campus life is really different from what i have experienced in high school.for instance,i used to lean upon my dormitory teacher to wake me up on time.but now i have to set several alarm clocks to make myself could hear them in the morning.otherwise，i would miss my class.

　　and then even worse there would be nobody remind me except my teacher!so the differences are everywhere and i could easily find them.

　　the change of life is great and it's wonderful:i have more time of my own and the rights to decide how i live.

　　my campus activities are rich and colorful.learning english has become a habit to me cause i plan to study abroad in next few years.playing guzheng is my favorite activity.i have kept on practising it since i was a little girl and i wish to win more competitions in my campus life.

　　our university has the first level equipments and the most experienced teachers,also has the best students(laugh).i consider it to be a honor that i've got a chance to study here and i sincerely hope that we could live wonderful lives in our campus!

英語演講稿5

Dear teacher and CLASSmates:

　　I am very glad to make a speech here in this CLASS again! This time, I'd like to talk something about English.

　　I love English. English language is now used everywhere in the world. It has become the most common language on Internet and for international trade. Learning English makes me confident and brings me great pleasure.

　　When I was seven, my mother sent me to an English school. At there, I played games and sang English songs with other children . Then I discovered the beauty of the language, and began my colorful dream in the English world.

　　Everyday, I read English following the tapes. Sometimes, I watch English cartoons.

　　On the weekend, I often go to the English corner. By talking with different people there, I have made more and more friends as well as improved my oral English.

　　I hope I can travel around the world someday. I want to go to America to visit Washington Monument, because the president Washington is my idol. Of course, I want to go to London too, because England is where English language developed. If I can ride my bike in Cambridge university, I will be very happy.

　　I hope I can speak English with everyone in the world. I'll introduce China to them, such as the Great Wall, the Forbidden City and Anshan.

　　I know, Rome was not built in a day. I believe that after continuous hard study, one day I can speak English

英語演講稿6

　　Although, you are my adversary. But, you are not my enemy, you will give me strength, your resistance to make me strong, your spirit ennobles me... Thank you, my rival! Because of you, only then has taught me to cherish! Because of you, makes me beyond yourself!

　　This is the Olympic spirit, is the explanation of real competition. The arena of the race, you value in life requires the existence of rival makes sense, can be realized. No opponent, life would be boring; No opponent, success will lose should have a sense of achievement.

　　You are "top players" in study. Because of you, I desire to burst out for the first. So I work harder, more hard work. Though, I can't decide the outcome of the last, but my grades have been beyond my imagination, to my satisfaction. Thank you, my opponent! Because of you, make me to answer out of a satisfactory answer!

英語演講稿7

　　When I was a child, I really want a pet, like ducks, rabbits, cats, dogs, even a pig!

　　Finally, my parents bought me a puppy as my birthday gift. I really love it, it was really lovely. When I was tired, it always made me happy. I take it for a walk every evening.I was very happy when we get together.

　　In a word, pets can bring us a lot of fun, they are important to us.

　　我的寵物

　　當我還是個孩子的時候，我真的很想要只寵物，例如鴨子、兔子、貓咪、小狗、甚至是小豬!

　　后來，我爸媽買了只小狗給我做生日禮物。我真得很喜歡它。它真得很可愛。

　　當我很累時，它總會讓我開心。每天晚上我都會帶它出去走走。我們在一起的時候很開心。

　　總之，寵物們可以帶給我們歡樂，它們對我們很重要。

　　以上就是我們為大家提供的演講稿范文，更多精彩盡在，敬請隨時關注哦！

英語演講稿8

　　one day, god said to a priest: ‘come, and i want to take you to see the hell.” they entered a room where so many people were sitting around a cooking pot. they looked at it but no one wants to say or do anything. they felt not only hungry but also disappointed .everyone has a spoon. but the handle of the spoon were too long for the food to be sent into their mouths.

　　“come, now i want to take you to the heaven. ”god took the priest to the heaven and entered another room. this room was the same as the first one. there were so many people sitting around a cooking pot, and the handles of their spoon were as long as those of the first group of people. there was nothing different but the atmosphere. people here drank and ate, speaking and laughing. the priest felt puzzled and asked god. god answered with a smile. ”can’t you see? people in the second room here learnt to feed each other “ the priest suddenly saw the light.

　　this story tells us that we should learn to share and give, and develop the good habit of loving and helping one another. the niggards who we saw in the hell would rather make themselves hungry than share with others.

　　as a british poet said:” taken away love, our earth would be a grave. sharing is an idea state, a wisdom and distillation. sharing love, happiness and sadness is all that we need. there are so many people who don’t want to share with others .wwhatever they do they will think about themselves first. these people can never understand the real meaning of sharing. people are always imagining that they can live a good life in the heaven .because of imagination, we always feel we are far away from the heaven .in fact, the heaven is not far away from us .

英語演講稿9

　　Life is not long, but many times choose, you have many choices come through today. Wait more than 60 days, you in turn to make a choice, but the choice is your life is very important, very crucial choice. The choice to a large extent directly related to your future direction in life, whether related to the future glory of life, and even the success of the big problems of life.

　　The last choice, because your young, largely by your parents or relatives to help you to make choices. Then the choice of their ability to help so you can create conditions to help you (for example, taking your difference, they can give you the money you read Choosing Health). Entrance options, but this largely depends on yourself decide the. Because: First, the difficulty of the selection bigger, some parents and relatives also lack guidance capability; second is the choice of policy, a more equitable, they may have money, but you also can not score enough money to help you. So many choices in this and future autonomy of the major is in your own hands.

　　Select certain subjective and objective conditions. The university entrance exam already created the objective conditions of choice. For example, the University has long been the face of the door here open for each student, you can enter with their conditions. Another example is that the state's admission policy is not directed against an individual, but against all the candidates this year, has been formed, you can only prepare the conditions required by policy to choose. Another example: you face the teachers and the teaching environment of objective factors in the last more than 60 days are basically constant. You can only adjust themselves to the further adaptation. Therefore, the objective conditions of your current studies, as if we can only face each generation has been formed as the productivity of conditions, can only be subjective on this basis up efforts to promote the development of the existing productive forces, not to complain about now have low productivity. This year's college entrance

　　examination, you can only have been formed by the face of these subjective and objective conditions to efforts to improve their academic performance. Not to complain about the objective conditions than me.

　　In addition to other life choices, and many give up. But a lot of life to give up in order to better choices. You this time, the face of the university are beckoning to you, you can choose not to give up. Can also say: You give up a lot in the past, that is, to this choice. Example, Why did not you work outside the home? Why not stay at home farming? Why seeing your parents morning to evening, busy doing farming work, and even sick exertion in the field, and you share those concerns did not go home for their problem-solving, can you give up so they are not all for this time of choice?

　　Both gave up so much, they chose today, why not try to choose tomorrow? Beckon you do not choose to have this as another of the universities? There is the further purification of your soul, raise your quality, and increase your survivability, and improve your quality of life in the future to achieve greater value of life your furnace.

英語演講稿10

　　I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

　　Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.

　　So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

　　That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; s shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

　　These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

　　Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.

　　On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

　　On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

　　We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

　　In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

　　For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

　　For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

　　For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.

　　Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

　　This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

　　For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new s, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.

　　Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

　　What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find s at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. Those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

　　Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

　　As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers ... our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

　　Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

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